Friday, April 30, 2021

Press Release: “Gilbert v. Weahkee Headed to Supreme Court”

Press Release

 April 29, 2021


“Gilbert v. Weahkee Headed to Supreme Court”

 


Rapid City, SD - Less than two weeks after submitting their Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the U.S. Supreme Court, Donna M. Gilbert, Julie Mohney, and Charmaine White Face received notification that their case will be heard by the Supreme Court. The case, Donna M. Gilbert et al v. RADM Michael D. Weahkee et al was placed on the Supreme Court docket as Case No. 20-1487. Weahkee was the Director of the Indian Health Service (IHS), James Diving Hawk is the Great Plains Area IHS Director, and former U.S. Attorney General William Barr are named as respondents.

 

After having their case dismissed at the local federal District Court level, the three Oglala women proceeded Pro Se, meaning by themselves without a lawyer, through the Eighth Circuit Appellate Court. The Appellate Court upheld the District Court’s decision, so the three petitioned the Supreme Court to hear their case.

 

Donna Gilbert stated,

“It’s been nearly two years since we started this lawsuit against the Indian Health Service. Now we’re making history and have our foot in the door as our case resides in the US Supreme Court. We’re the voice supporting this Rapid City Native American Community and fighting for our Treaty Right to Healthcare. Our ancestors fought hard for this Treaty and today we’re fighting to keep it viable for future generations. Whether we win or lose in the Supreme Court, at least I can say I fought for my people.”

 

The three women and more than one-hundred fifty (150) other people signed on as a class action asking for an injunction to stop the illegal contract by the IHS with the Great Plains Tribal Chairmen’s Health Board (GPTCHB). Their motion for ‘class action’ was dismissed at the local District level. The contract is for the administration and management of the Sioux San Hospital.

 


The IHS established the GPTCHB in 1992 as a state non-profit corporation under the jurisdiction of South Dakota to act as a liaison with the Region’s Tribes, not as a health management organization. Furthermore, according to the law, only Tribes or Tribal Organizations can enter into Indian Self-Determination Act (P.L. 93-638) contracts with the IHS. Therefore, IHS’s contract with their own state non-profit corporation is illegal. In addition, the IHS violated numerous laws including those which say they must have the maximum participation of the Indian people being served. The Indian people being served are the 28,000 patients served at the Sioux San Hospital.

 

IHS did not conduct any public meetings but only solicited Resolutions from the three (3) nearest Tribes: Oglala Sioux Tribe (OST), Rosebud Sioux Tribe (RST) and Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe (CRST). Upon learning of a court case in the Oglala Sioux Tribal Court which ruled that GPTCHB was NOT a Tribal Organization, the Rosebud Sioux Tribe withdrew their Resolution.

 

“When both the District Court and the Appellate Court did not consider the Oglala Sioux Tribal Court decision, they violated what is known as the Abstention Doctrine. What those courts did is a slap in the face to all Tribal Courts. Yet the Eighth Circuit Appellate Court did, in fact, uphold an OST court case in the past setting a precedent. This only shows that the federal judicial system will use only what they want to use, not what is already precedent and lawful practice. All of this is also in our Petition,” said Charmaine White Face.

 

The U.S. Attorney for the IHS must submit 40 copies of their Brief in Opposition to the Petition by May 24, 2021. If the U.S. Attorney decides not to participate, the U.S. Solicitor General will represent the IHS.

 

Another law, 25 U.S. Code § 175 entitled “United States attorneys to represent Indians” was also included in the Petition as the three women, all members of the Oglala Sioux Tribe, have been proceeding Pro Se, on their own, without an attorney through the Appeals Court and now the Supreme Court processes. A ‘Go Fund Me’ account was set up on social media for their legal fees but only raised a little more than a thousand dollars, most of which was taken up by the Supreme Court process.

 

At the same time, the OST and CRST are also involved in a Supreme Court case with a number of other tribes who are all trying to stop Alaska state Native corporations from receiving federal funds as they are not considered to be Tribal Organizations and do not have government-to-government relationships with the federal government. However, both tribes, OST and CRST, have resolutions of support for this South Dakota corporation which has been proven in Tribal Court not to be a Tribal Organization.

 

Julie Mohney said,

“Look what is happening within. It is our own people in IHS and the Tribes who are not honoring the Treaty. Weahkee is a Native American. Driving Hawk is a Native American. It’s our own people hurting us. Maybe just once the Tribes need to stand up for us tribal members.”

 

Health care is protected by the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty for the Sioux people who are served by IHS in this geographic region and are patients at the Sioux San Hospital. “Our great-great grandparents made a Treaty with the United States, not with a non-profit corporation under the jurisdiction of the state of South Dakota,” said Charmaine White Face. “South Dakota wasn’t even a state when the 1868 Treaty was signed,” she said. When the U.S. government through their federal agency, the IHS, violates the 1868 Treaty by not providing adequate health care, it is a violation of Article Six of the U.S. Constitution which protects the Treaty.

DOWNLOAD PDF
UNITED NATIONS
Economic and Social Council

Study on Treaties, Agreements, and other Constructive Arrangements between States and Indigenous Populations

Final Report by Miguel Alfonso Martinez, Special Rapporteur



For more information contact Donna M. Gilbert at 605-407-2042 or donnamgilbert@msn.com, or Charmaine White Face at 605-342-1626 or cwhiteface@gmail.com.

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OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

1994/45.  Draft United Nations declaration on the rights of

Indigenous Peoples

The Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities

Article 36

Indigenous peoples have the right to the recognition, observance and enforcement of treaties, agreements and other constructive arrangements concluded with States or their successors, according to their original spirit and intent, and to have States honour and respect such treaties, agreements and other constructive arrangements.  Conflicts and disputes which cannot otherwise be settled should be submitted to competent international bodies agreed to by all parties concerned.



 
ARTICLE:
"What Stereotyping Does"
February 29, 2020

Sunday, April 25, 2021

Canada: DECLARACIÓN DE CHARMAINE WHITEFACE "El proyecto de ley C-15 se basa en una mentira"

Indigenous Activists Networks

Defenders of the Land, Truth Campaign, Idle No More
[Canada]

 



16 de abril de 2021

DECLARACIÓN DE CHARMAINE WHITEFACE

"El proyecto de ley C-15 se basa en una mentira"


En primer lugar, si el Proyecto de Ley C-15 se basa en la Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas (DNUDPI), se basa en una mentira.  La Declaración que fue aprobada por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) en 2007 NO es la Declaración aprobada por los Pueblos Indígenas. Instituir un proyecto de ley basado en una mentira convierte al proyecto de ley en cómplice de la mentira y, por lo tanto, no será una buena ley.  Decir que el Proyecto de Ley C-15 afirmará los derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas no es cierto. La UNDRIP fue modificada para satisfacer la continua búsqueda de los gobiernos colonizadores por el control sobre los Pueblos Indígenas y sus recursos.

 

Si los patrocinadores del Proyecto de Ley C-15 realmente quisieran "afirmar" los derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, basarían su Proyecto de Ley en el Texto Original que fue aprobado por todos los Pueblos Indígenas en Ginebra, Suiza, en 1994.  Esa Declaración Original también fue aprobada por dos Comités de la ONU: el Grupo de Trabajo sobre Poblaciones Indígenas (WGIP) y la Subcomisión de Prevención de Discriminaciones y Protección a las Minorías.  Después de eso, los gobiernos colonizadores más poderosos llevaron la Declaración a otro grupo de trabajo y cambiaron no solo las palabras, sino también el significado y el propósito de la DNUDPI.

 

Canadá puede hacer esto. El gobierno canadiense podría basar su Proyecto de Ley C-15 en la verdad, la Declaración Original aprobada en 1994, y respaldar la intención y el propósito de ese documento original.  Apoyar el Proyecto de Ley C-15 basado en la UNDRIP que fue aprobado en 2007 es basar el Proyecto de Ley C-15 en una mentira. Tal acción solo traerá deshonra y pesar al gobierno canadiense.

 

Charmaine White Face es una escritora, científica y bisabuela de Oglala Tituwan Oceti Sakowin. Escribió un análisis en profundidad de la DNUDPI basado en sus experiencias en los debates de la ONU llamado:

Los derechos de las Naciones Indígenas: un balance
Un análisis de la Declaración sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas

publicado por Living Justice Press, St. Paul, MN.
Puede ser contactada en cwhiteface@gmail.com


Canada: Rechazo a la Ley C-15 sobre Derechos de Pueblos Indígenas


Indigenous Activists Networks

Defenders of the Land, Truth Campaign, Idle No More

COMUNICADO DE PRENSA

UNDRIP BILL C-15 MUY DEFECTUOSO Y DEBE SER RECHAZADO DIGAN REDES de ACTIVISTAS INDÍGENAS Y DEFENSORES DE LA TIERRA

 DESCARGAR PDF

CANADA (11 de diciembre de 2020) -  El Proyecto de ley titulado C-15 Declaración Federal de los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas de la ONU "es un juego de manos que promete aumentar y expandir los derechos indígenas, pero en realidad logra lo contrario", dice Russell Diabo, portavoz de la Campaña Truth Before Reconciliation (Verdad Antes que Reconciliacion).

 

“El gobierno ha hecho esto”, dice, “al cambiar el requisito de hacer que la ley canadiense esté sujeta a las disposiciones de la Declaración de Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de Pueblos Indígenas (DNUDPI), a hacer que la  DNUDPI esté sujeta a las leyes canadienses existentes bajo la Sección 35 de la Constitución. La sección 35 de la constitución ya ha sido adjudicada en los tribunales canadienses para otorgar a Canadá el control de las tierras indígenas bajo la Doctrina del Descubrimiento, y pone límites severos al derecho a la autodeterminación ”.

 

Al someter la DNUDPI a la Sección 35 de la constitución canadiense, Diabo dice, “el gobierno está quitando todos los derechos que la declaración fue diseñada para reconocer. En virtud de la Sección 35, el Indian Act y otras leyes federales dirigidas a las Primeras Naciones y los Pueblos Indígenas, los Pueblos Indígenas no son reconocidos como parte de naciones auto determinadas, como se supone que debe hacer la DNUDPI, sino solo como lo que el Primer Ministro Trudeau ha descrito como un “Cuarto nivel de gobierno” detrás de los gobiernos federal, provincial y municipal. La Asociación de Indios Iroqueses y Aliados (AIAI) ha llegado a conclusiones similares".

 

“Si bien apoyamos la versión de la ONU de la Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de Pueblos Indígenas (DNUDPI), el Gran Jefe Joel Abram dice, “la asamblea de la AIAI votó a favor de oponerse a la Ley C-15 de DNUDPI porque en su estado actual renuncia a la intención original de la declaración y, en cambio, se presenta en la forma de otro “Papel Blanco” solicitado por el padre de Trudeau. Ahora el Primer Ministro está intentando su propia versión del Papel Blanco bajo el disfraz de una interpretación diferente de la DNUDPI ".

 

La profesora Nicole Schabus, que enseña derecho en la Universidad de Thompson Rivers, dice que el problema central es que el proyecto de ley C-15 intenta "domesticar" el derecho internacional y

"El derecho internacional se aprueba y desarrolla a nivel internacional, y estos estándares no pueden rebajarse en el nivel nacional ". Al someter la DNUDPI a la ley canadiense y rebajar los estándares, el proyecto de ley C-15 niega a los Pueblos Indígenas el derecho a la autodeterminación que reconoce la DNUDPI y "El derecho a la autodeterminación es el principal remedio para la colonización".

Diabo también fue muy crítico con la forma en que el liderazgo de Asamblea de Primeras Naciones (AFN) presentó recientemente el proyecto de ley en su reciente Asamblea.

“Al negarse a permitir el debate sobre el proyecto de ley en la Asamblea de la AFN, la AFN está abriendo la puerta a un caballo de Troya que está diseñado para subyugar en lugar de liberar. Los Pueblos Indígenas no deben dejarse deslumbrar por el lenguaje florido del preámbulo del proyecto de ley, sino que deben observar el contenido real del mismo para ver el peligro que representa".

Diabo ahora está trabajando con las Redes Indígenas y Defensores de la Tierra de todo el país para montar una oposición nacional e incluso internacional al proyecto de ley.


-30-

Este documento es emitido por el Grupo Coordinador de las redes de la Campaña de la Verdad, Idle No More, y Defensores de la Tierra.


Indigenous Activists Networks
Defenders of the Land, Truth Campaign, Idle No More

PARA MAS INFORMACION CONTACTE:

Contacto de comunicaciones: Tori Cress en E-Mail: info@IdleNoMore.ca

Sylvia McAdam, Idle No More Organizer, Cell: (306) 281-8158

Kanahus Manuel, Defensores de la tierra, portavoz, celular: (250) 852-3924

Russ Diabo, portavoz, Celda de la Campaña de la Verdad Antes de la Reconciliación: (613) 296-0110

Defenders of the Land es una red de comunidades y activistas indígenas en la lucha por la tierra en Canadá, incluidos ancianos y jóvenes, mujeres y hombres, dedicados a construir un movimiento fundamental para los derechos indígenas, se fundó en una reunión histórica en Winnipeg del 12 al 14 de noviembre, 2008. 

Idle No More fue fundada por cuatro mujeres (tres de las cuales son indígenas y una de ellas blanca) en noviembre de 2012 en respuesta a varios proyectos de ley aprobados en Canadá que socavan los derechos indígenas y la protección del medio ambiente. El movimiento creció rápidamente y en enero de 2013 había decenas de miles de personas indígenas y no indígenas que participaban en acciones locales y movilizaciones masivas en todo el mundo.

La Truth Campaign (Campaña de la Verdad) es un equipo central de personas que forman parte de una campaña de promoción y educación pública para lograr que los gobiernos de la Corona y la sociedad canadiense aborden "La Verdad Antes de la Reconciliación" porque la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación y sus Llamados a la Acción no son suficientes para abordar la colonización que las Primeras Naciones han vivido históricamente y que continúa hoy particularmente bajo las políticas y leyes coloniales aprobadas bajo la Ley de Constitución de 1867.

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Saturday, April 17, 2021

Statement by Charmaine White Face: “Bill C-15 is based on a Lie”



Indigenous Activists Networks

Defenders of the Land, Truth Campaign, Idle No More

 

Statement by Charmaine White Face

Bill C-15 is based on a Lie”

April 16, 2021

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First of all, if Bill C-15 is based on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), it is based on a lie. The Declaration that was approved by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly in 2007 is NOT the Declaration approved by Indigenous Peoples. Having a Bill based on a lie makes the Bill a partner in the lie and therefore, not good law. To say that Bill C-15 will affirm the rights of Indigenous Peoples is not true. The UNDRIP was changed to satisfy colonizing governments’ continued pursuit for control over Indigenous Peoples and resources.


If Bill C-15’s sponsors really wanted to “affirm” the rights of Indigenous Peoples, they would base their Bill on the Original Text that was approved by all Indigenous Peoples in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1994. That Original Declaration was also approved by two UN Committees: the Working Group on Indigenous Populations (WGIP), and the Subcommission on the Prevention of Discrimination and the Protection of Minorities. After that, the most powerful colonizing governments pushed the Declaration off into another working group and changed not just the words but the meaning and purpose of the UNDRIP.


Canada can do that. The Canadian government could base their Bill C-15 on the truth, the Original Declaration passed in 1994, and support the intent and purpose in that Original document. To support Bill C-15 based on the UNDRIP that was approved in 2007 is to base Bill C-15 on a lie. Such an action will only bring dishonor and regret to the Canadian government.


Charmaine White Face is an Oglala Tituwan Oceti Sakowin writer, scientist and great-grandmother. She wrote an indepth analysis of the UNDRIP based on her experiences at the UN debates called: Indigenous Nations Rights in the Balance published by Living Justice Press, St. Paul, MN. She can be reached at cwhiteface@gmail.com.

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UNDRIP BILL C-15 DEEPLY FLAWED AND MUST BE REJECTED SAY INDIGENOUS NETWORKS AND LAND DEFENDERS 

December 11, 2020

(December 11, 2020) The Federal UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Bill C-15 is a sleight of hand that promises to increase and expand Indigenous rights but actually accomplishes the opposite,” says Truth Before Reconciliation Campaign spokesperson Russell Diabo.

 

The government has done this,” he says, “by flipping the requirement for making Canadian law’s subject to the provisions of UNDRIP, to making UNDRIP subject to existing Canadian laws under Section 35 of the Constitution. Section 35 of the constitution has already been adjudicated in Canadian courts to give Canada control of Indigenous lands under the Doctrine of Discovery, and places severe limits on the right of self-determination.”

 

By subjugating UNDRIP to Section 35, Diabo says, “the government is taking away all of the rights the declaration was designed to recognize. Under Section 35, the Indian Act and other federal laws directed at First Nations and Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous Peoples are not recognized as part of self-determining nations, as UNDRIP is supposed to do, but only as what Prime Minister Trudeau has described as a “fourth level of government” behind the federal, provincial and municipal governments. Similar conclusions have been reached by the Association of Iroquois and Allied Indians (AIAI).”

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1 Defenders of the Land is a network of Indigenous communities and activists in land struggle across Canada, including Elders and youth, women and men, dedicated to building a fundamental movement for Indigenous rights, was founded at a historic meeting in Winnipeg from November 12-14, 2008. Idle No More was founded by four women (three of whom are Indigenous and one of whom is White) in November 2012 in response to several bills passed in Canada that undermine Indigenous rights and environmental protection. The movement grew quickly, and by January 2013 there were tens of thousands of Indigenous and non-Indigenous people taking part in locally-based actions and mass mobilizations around the world. The Truth Campaign is a core team of people who worked on Russ Diabo’s 2018 campaign for the position of AFN National Chief and who are now working to get Crown governments and Canadian society to address “Truth Before Reconciliation” because the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and its Calls to Action are not sufficient to address the colonization that First Nations have historically experienced and which continues today particularly under the colonial policies and legislation passed under the Constitution Act 1867.



Indigenous Nations' Rights in the Balance

An Analysis of the Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples


By Charmaine White Face, Zumila Wobaga

Softcover, 160 pages, indexed
$20.00
Publication 2013
ISBN: 978-0-9721886-8-5
e-Book ISBN 978-1-937141-11-0


ORDER PRINT BOOK

ORDER E-BOOK

Comparing three different versions of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DRIP), Indigenous Nations' Rights in the Balance analyses the implications of the changes made to DRIP for Indigenous Peoples and Nations.

 

This is a foundational text for Indigenous law and rights and the global struggle of Indigenous Peoples in the face of modern states.

 

Between 1994 and 2007, three different versions of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples were passed by various bodies of the United Nations, culminating in the final version passed by the UN General Assembly. Significant differences exist between these versions—differences that deeply affect the position of all Indigenous Peoples in the world community.

 

In Indigenous Nations’ Rights in the Balance, Charmaine White Face gives her well-researched comparative analysis of these versions. She puts side-by-side, for our consideration, passages that change the intent of the Declaration by privileging the power and jurisdiction of nation states over the rights of Indigenous Peoples. As Spokesperson representing the Sioux Nation Treaty Council in UN proceedings, she also gives her insights about each set of changes and their ultimate effect.

 

Reviews and Comments

 

Charmaine White Face, a Lakota Wiyan from Pine Ridge, S.D., who is devoted to the political rights of indigenous peoples, gives us here a lucid and implacable analysis of the crucial relationship between Indians and their colonizers. Her work in Geneva, Switzerland, as well as her defense of the Black Hills of the North Plains region, challenges the United Nations Human Rights declaration of 2007 as deeply flawed. In examining the role of the UN, she charges that it has again through its recent declarations provided legitimacy and prestige not only to historical eighteenth-century genocide, but to the continuing plunder of rights and resources of native peoples. Her profoundly disturbing message forces us to ask the question: what happens when international law says powerful nations can use the idea of law as a weapon to gain consensus for theft? The so-called rule of law, as “discoverers” have shown us from the beginning, entrenches legal doctrines that justify genocide. The UN complicity, White Face tells us, has enormous consequences. No readers of this little text can dismiss the logic of her analysis if we are to learn the lessons of history.


Charmaine White Face is the Rachael Maddow of the Lakota political world concerning environmental and civil rights....

Her research is flawless. Her opinions are provocative and courageous and path breaking…. This is a good read.

 

—Elizabeth Cook-Lynn, Hunkpati Dakota

Author of A Separate Country: Post-coloniality and American Indian Nations

 

Charmaine White Face's mesmeric account of the Declaration painstakingly reveals the enormous difficulties that Native nations face in their quest to have their rights and resources respected by their host states and by the international community at large. The tortured process she described reveals that states interpret the phrase "rule of law" to mean "their rules and their laws," leaving indigenous peoples even now at the mercy of states and state-dominated institutions, like the U.N.

 

—David E. Wilkins, Lumbee

Co-author of Uneven Ground: American Indian Sovereignty and Federal Law

 

Does the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples actually protect indigenous rights? Charmaine White Face provides a series of powerful arguments and direct documentation that indigenous rights were passed over in favor of nation-state powers and jurisdiction over indigenous nations within nation states. Many indigenous organizations that participated in the long negotiations of the Declaration did not give their consent to the final UN versions of the Declaration. The final form of the declaration ignored indigenous self-government, rights to territory, plural citizenship, rights to appeal to international bodies for dispute resolution, and effective rights of informed consent. Instead of protection and articulation of indigenous rights, indigenous peoples are saddled with over 30 unenforceable mandates for nation states to include indigenous peoples as citizens within cultural, legal, and political orders of nation states.


Indigenous peoples are willing to work with nation states, but not at the price of losing their indigenous rights to land, self-government, and cultural autonomy. This book provides a detailed analysis and evaluation that shows how nation states and the UN ignored the rights of indigenous peoples when finalizing the Declaration. Everyone interested in the well being of indigenous peoples should read this book.

 

—Duane Champagne, Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa

Author of Captured Justice: Native Nations Under Public Law 280

 

What a great piece of work—it is necessary for the people who were present to write the true history of the declaration and the gutting of the key language that we fought so hard to get into the original document. You have done the most amazing job. I am in awe of you and your work. It is the love of a woman for her people that you have undertaken this work for the future generations. We are in a long struggle to free ourselves. Indigenous Peoples must continue to push forward, as the ones not yet born are waiting for us to make a good place for them.

 

—Sharon Venne, Nehiyaw (Cree) Lawyer

 

Indigenous Nation’s Rights In The Balance (Charmaine White Face, Zumila Wobaga - 2013, Living Justice Press.) clearly shows that we are trapped by a system that does not recognize the rights or values of indigenous people – that the ‘entitlement’ to human rights is limited by the system and what States will agree to implement. It also reveals the true nature of the United Nations as an institution which is not above the system but is part of it.

 

Beginning in 1984, The Sioux Nation Treaty Council and other indigenous bodies from around the world were involved in developing the ‘Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples’. In 1994 a United Nations (UN) Declaration, Original sub-commission text, was drafted and approved by two UN committees. But in 2004 Chairperson-rapporteur Louis Enrique Chavez presented his own version of the text to the UN Intersessional Working Group on the Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This text was ultimately sent to the UN Human Rights Commission for passage. It did not have approval of the Indigenous People or the States who took part in the Original Declaration of 1984. This led to a five-day hunger strike/prayer fast, by six of the Indigenous representatives, the author included, to reinstate theoriginal text. An agreement was not reached. In 2007, The UN General Assembly completed its passage of The Declaration, which was finally approved, not in Geneva but in New York City. Comparative analysis of the three versions show how the Original Declaration is altered in favor of States leaving indigenous people without basic human rights or indigenous integrity.

 

The author tells us how ‘the wording in the UN’s amended and approved Declaration will benefit the colonizers more than the Nations it was designed for’. It is plain to see when reading the comparative analysis that changing a sentence, deleting or changing a single word from the Original Declaration has been carried out with the intent to disempower an Article or severely weaken it. This also has the effect of changing the bias of an Article from being a Right to be upheld for Indigenous Nations, to a lesser commitment. Throughout, the changes are aimed at removing the language of rights, substituting instead the language of responsibilities or intentions, which governments can choose to implement or not. In short, the aims of Original Declaration have been brutally compromised.

 

Preambular paragraphs and Articles are shown separately in their three different versions, with passages underlined to show the changes. After each set of three a detailed comparative analysis is made by the author. This makes for disturbing reading as you see the Original Declaration change from positive to negative.

 

It is made clear that the ‘United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples’, as the published version is entitled, will not attribute Sovereignty to Indigenous Nations. The UN speaks of indigenous ‘populations’, ‘people’, ‘peoples’ etc and clearly avoids the use of the term Indigenous Nations. Many indigenous peoples view themselves as separate Nations (the Great Sioux Nation for example) but this status has never been recognized by States, who insist they are simply minorities within greater Nation States.

 

The book also carries a brief history of the Great Sioux Nation and its association with the US over the past 150 years. Treaties and agreements that have been made with the US over this long period have always been ‘cheated on’. The 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty, a legally binding agreement granting land rights to the Nation has been repeatedly violated. Since that time vast areas of land granted in the treaty have been taken and abused, and tribal land continues to be drastically reduced.


Charmaine White Face, Zumila Wobaga is Spokesperson for the Sioux Nation Treaty Council. She is also volunteer Coordinator with Defenders of the Blackhills - www.defendblackhills.org

—David Terrey Glasgow Scotland


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YouTube:

Defenders of the Black Hills:

Message from the Heart
March 22, 2015